Bagley had more "choice" things to say about John L. Hart (and Bruce Solie, and Leonard McCoy) in other parts of his book.
Can you find Hart and Solie and McCoy in the following excerpts, or shall I "highlight" them for you?
PAGE 258 -- APPENDIX B But because Washington ordained it, they had to accept Nosenko’s defection (in January 1964 in Geneva) and fly him to the United States. There, from behind the scenes, the earlier defector Golitsyn “was masterminding the examinations [of Nosenko] in many ways.” "Angleton showed Golitsyn all the CIA’s reports of Nosenko’s debriefing, from which [Golitsyn] concocted a wide range of accusations to challenge Nosenko’s reliability. This achieved its purpose so completely that the agency turned on its defector [Nosenko].” "Angleton led [others] to the light: Golitsyn infallible, Nosenko phony” and Golitsyn’s theories became "the definitive view.” “For six years whatever Yuri [Nosenko] said was submitted for final judgment by” Golitsyn. 7
These “anti-Nosenko plot adherents . . . prejudged Nosenko’s bona fides before they ever debriefed him. ” Their “treatment of Nosenko was never . . . devoted to learning what . . . Nosenko said. What they really wanted was only to break him." They made a “convoluted effort to make Nosenko the living incarnation of [their] theory. ” They set out to “prepare a case against Nosenko . . . not to get information but to pin on [him ] the label of a KGB agent sent to deceive us." 8
To make their case, these sick-thinking Cl A fundamentalists subjected Nosenko to a hostile interrogation. Of course— because he was innocent— Nosenko failed to confirm their theories. So they put him in a “torture vault" or “dungeon” for years, and drugged him.
There were wiser and cooler heads in CIA who opposed this mistreatment of an honest defector, so an “internal warfare" ensued that “split the CIA” for several years until CIA director Richard Helms’s “intervention brought it to an end” and common sense and professionalism finally prevailed. The “fundamentalists” were removed and more reasonable CIA officers set out to re-question Nosenko and re-examine the case against him. They found logical explanations for “all” the apparent discrepancies in Nosenko’s stories, particularly “the two most controversial ones" involving the recall telegram and his KGB rank. They also found that the “fundamentalists” had “deliberately suppressed" solid leads from Nosenko.
In sum, the Nosenko “case” boils down to a simple matter of incompetent CIA handling. “Even the most cursory examination would have demonstrated Nosenko’s innocence. ” 9
Happily, after years of confusion, CIA finally arrived at the truth: the whole case against Nosenko had been “sheer nonsense. ” 10
In early October 1968, after months spent reviewing the case and consulting with Nosenko, CIA security officer
Bruce Solie submitted a long report that wiped out all doubts about Nosenko. Within hours, evidently without taking the time to assess the validity of the report, CIA made its “final decision.” Its deputy director ruled "that Nosenko was a legitimate defector. . . . [He] has not knowingly and willfully withheld information from us and there is no conflict between what we have learned from him and what we have learned from other defectors or informants that would cast any doubts on his bona fides." 11
This decision was validated by yet another CIA review (by
John L. Hart) of the Nosenko case in 1976. Just how firmly it supported Nosenko’s bona fides was demonstrated two years later when the CIA director sent the leader of that review process to testify for him before Congress in September 1978. As described above, the director’s spokesman (
Hart) testified under oath to Nosenko’s complete honesty and the incompetence and failure of those who distrusted him. 12
CIA’s adamant state of denial was baldly expressed by one of its top counterintelligence officials. He declared flatly that if Nosenko ever told fibs, they “were not [spoken] at the behest of the KGB" but only “to inflate his personal prestige, . . . self-serving braggadocio ... [to make himself] more important, more decent, perhaps more like what his father would have wished him to be.” 13
To these findings a director of Central Intelligence, Stansfield Turner, gave his top-level authority. He proclaimed to CIA personnel in writing that “it was eventually determined that [Nosenko] had defected of his own free will, had not sought to deceive us and had indeed supplied very valuable intelligence information to the U.S. Government. The hypothesis which had led to the original . . . [conclusion that Mr. Nosenko had defected under KGB orders] was found to have been based on inadequate evidence.” In his memoirs, moreover, Turner described those who had distrusted Nosenko as “a group of Agency paranoids.” 14
How did this happen? How did truth get buried and fiction become doctrine?
The first, essential step for anyone anxious to believe in Nosenko and to clear him of suspicions was to suppress the facts of the case.
Not one of Nosenko’s defenders addressed the questions raised by, for example, Nosenko’s association with Guk and Kislov in Geneva, or the clash between Nosenko’s (authoritative) account and the real circumstances of Kovshuk's trip to Washington, or the connections of Nosenko’s stories with the KGB’s uncovering of CIA’s great spies Pyotr Popov and Oleg Penkovsky. In presenting a “true" version of Nosenko's life and career they failed to mention that it was a sixth or seventh version (and not the last).
Ignoring the inconvenient aspects, the myth-makers fabricated a wholly new picture. They did this by 1) misrepresenting Nosenko the man and his truthfulness, 2) grossly exaggerating the value of his reporting, 3) building a straw man of (false) reasons for suspecting him, then knocking the straw man down rather than addressing the real reasons, 4) vilifying CIA colleagues who suspected Nosenko, 5) diverting attention from the real issues, and 6) ridiculing the very idea of Soviet deception.
1. Misrepresenting Nosenko’s truthfulness:
Nosenko’s defenders abandoned objectivity, consistency, and truth in extolling his personal qualities. One wrote of the "fundamental nobility” of his nature while another testified under oath that “anything that [Nosenko] has said has been said in good faith.” Nosenko “neither embroidered nor distorted” and "had no knack for lying or dissembling.” Indeed it had been his very honesty that had caused his temporary downfall at the hands of CIA. There is “no reason to think that [Nosenko] has ever told an untruth,” except due to forgetfulness, ignorance, or drunken exaggeration. Any little white lies, as noted above, were mere braggadocio. Though Nosenko's defender
Hart found him “hard to believe" on the subject of Oswald, he falsely called that a one-time aberration. Though he had studied the file, he could not remember anything substantive that Nosenko said that had been proven to be incorrect. 15
In fact, Nosenko's sworn testimony on Lee Harvey Oswald was so evasive and contradictory that the congressional committee, having questioned him at length, recognized and officially declared that Nosenko was lying. Ten years afterward his defenders tried to wipe that out, evidently relying on the ignorance or forgetfulness of readers. No,
Hart wrote, Nosenko's testimony on Oswald was not at all incredible. On the contrary, Nosenko “was telling the truth about his involvement in Oswald’s case." 16
Had Nosenko’s reporting on Oswald been the only aberration in an otherwise normal performance, as the CIA spokesman testified that it was, it might indeed have been shrugged off. But CIA officers who interviewed Nosenko encountered the same sorts of evasion, contradiction, and excuses from Nosenko whenever he was pinned down on practically any subject— just as the House Select Committee on Assassinations did on his Oswald story. This included his KGB career and activities, his travels and contacts, how he had learned what he told us, and even his private life.
Nosenko himself admitted that he had lied repeatedly about KGB activities and about the career that gave him authority to tell of them. In a written statement dated 23 April 1966 he said he had simply been unable to tell the truth throughout 1964 and 1965. But he was never willing to tell which of his statements were lies, except his KGB rank and certain of his claims to have recruited foreigners and the commendation these acts had earned him. This confession in no way inhibited his continued lying. He proceeded to tell tales no more believable than the earlier ones. Moreover, several witnesses from Moscow since the Cold War have belied Nosenko’s KGB career and his claimed knowledge of Oswald.
2. Misstating the value of Nosenko’s reporting:
Nosenko, said one of his defenders, was "the most valuable defector from the KGB yet to come over to the West.” He provided a “solid layer of counterintelligence gold.” Another delivered, under oath, the breathtaking misstatement that Nosenko provided “quantitatively and qualitatively” far greater information than Golitsyn did. 17
Nosenko’s defenders cite his uncovering of John Vassall, the British Admiralty employee, as a great contribution although they knew that Golitsyn had previously exposed Vassall. To explain that away, they went further in inventiveness: the British weren’t really on Vassall's track at all, they said. Had it not been for Nosenko’s information the British might have mistaken Golitsyn’s lead to Vassall for a totally different Admiralty source, the Houghton-Gee-Lonsdale network earlier uncovered by Goleniewski. 18 In fact, no such confusion was even remotely possible.
They pumped up Sergeant “Andrey,” (Army Sgt. Dayle W. Smith) Nosenko’s "most important lead" in 1962, to unrecognizable proportions. So little access to secrets did the sergeant really have that the KGB had dropped contact with him even before he retired from the army, and American authorities found that he could not have betrayed secrets and saw no reason to prosecute him. But Nosenko’s cleansers magically transformed this KGB reject into a “code clerk" who “had supplied the Soviets with top secret U.S. military codes," permitting the KGB to break “the most sensitive U.S. communi-cations. [ Even worse:] ‘Andrey’ had later transferred to the super-sensitive communications agency NSA that would give him even greater access to cipher information.” 19
In fact, Nosenko uncovered nothing that truly harmed the Soviet regime. He did not uncover a single KGB asset that the KGB could not have sacrificed— not one that had current access to NATO governmental secrets, was actively cooperating at the time, and had previously been unsuspected by Western counterintelligence agencies.
3. Distorting the reasons Nosenko fell under suspicion:
Nosenko’s CIA defenders repeated publicly that their CIA predecessors had wrongly “prejudged” him even before debriefing him and without “even the most cursory examination,” which would have demonstrated Nosenko's innocence. Essentially, they “fabricated a case” to incriminate Nosenko. 20
They only suspected Nosenko because of paranoid theorizing by the earlier defector Anatoly Golitsyn. Having adopted Golitsyn’s theories, Nosenko’s handlers didn’t even try to find out what Nosenko had to say but simply set out to break him. 21
This aspect of the myth required its creators to invent a role for Golitsyn in the Nosenko investigation. One of the mythmakers testified under oath that Golitsyn had "a substantial influence on the case” and “was masterminding the examinations [of Nosenko] in many ways. It is with this in mind that we have to approach everything that happened.” Golitsyn was "made part of [the anti-Nosenko] investigating team,” Golitsyn had current access to the debriefing of Nosenko, and “for six years whatever Yuri [Nosenko] said was submitted for final judgment by" Golitsyn. 22
Pure invention. No member of the “investigating team” (which was in Soviet Block Division) ever saw Golitsyn or asked or got information or comment from him. He was being handled by the Cl Staff and even they did not give him details of the case before 1967, aside from the fact of Nosenko's defection and his claimed biography. This was long after the Soviet Bloc Division's interrogation and conclusions. Even then Golitsyn declined to comment because he had not read the file. How, then, could he have ever exercised even an influence, much less a “final judgment”?
It was not until 1968 that Golitsyn reviewed transcripts of meetings. Then he stated unequivocally that Nosenko was a plant.
Because there is no substance to the myth’s claim that Golitsyn participated or influenced anything, we need not dwell here on the myth-makers’ denigration of Golitsyn— as a paranoid with “mind-boggling pipe dreams” and "outlandish theories." However, it is worth noting their own truly mind-boggling falsehood, that Golitsyn “never compromised any important Soviet agent.” 23
The myth-makers never revealed details of how Nosenko’s reports overlapped those of Golitsyn. They dismissed the question by claiming Golitsyn learned a few facts from his brief orientation period in Nosenko’s directorate, all of which Nosenko naturally knew better. This was a subterfuge: in reality, the Golitsyn tips that Nosenko diverted had nothing to do with Golitsyn’s “orientation period” but were from his service in Finland and his handling of reports from spies within NATO governments.
The mythmakers reached out even further to misrepresent why Nosenko fell under suspicion.
• Drunkenness: One, under oath, testified that CIA came to suspect Nosenko because he had made some drunken misstatements. Yet the only time in all those years that Nosenko might have been drunk while reporting anything whatsoever to CIA was during one meeting in 1962, and even then he showed no sign of being under the influence.
• Language problems : In sworn testimony the representative of CIA’s director asserted that language difficulties in Geneva caused "crucial misunderstandings.” Yet he knew that a native Russian speaker had been present at all but the first meeting and even during that meeting the only misunderstandings involved one school Nosenko claimed to have attended and one detail about his father. The FBI had no problem debriefing Nosenko in English. 24
• Faulty transcripts: CIA’s representative testified that "discrepancies” in the transcriptions of the recordings of the 1962 meetings were “very important in the history of this case because [they] gave rise to charges within the Agency that Nosenko was not what he purported to be." 25 But the witness, who had studied the case, must have known that no discrepancies ever gave rise to any such charge. Moreover, any errors in the transcripts were early detected and corrected by Peter Deriabin.
4. Vilifying those who suspected Nosenko:
Why, asked a congressman in 1978, would CIA director Stansfield Turner let his representative "create smashing anti-CIA headlines” by publicly attacking his own former colleagues?
The answer was that, lacking substantive arguments, CIA’s spokesmen fell back on ad hominem attacks on Nosenko’s detractors.
In sworn testimony the director’s personal envoy publicly accused his former colleagues of fabricating a case, torturing, misusing Agency techniques, and contemplating murder. He rated their performance as “zero,” “miserable,” and “abominable." They were “naive,” "utterly insensitive,” “extremist,” prone to “fanatic theories,” blindly biased, “paranoid,” and of “muddled mind.” 26 Lumped into a never-defined category of “fundamentalists,” they were derided as “zealots” and “true believers." A CIA director ticked off Nosenko’s early handlers— whom he had never met— as “a group of Agency paranoids." 27
So far gone in paranoia was this "group" that they thought “CIA could not have a bona fide Soviet operation" and turned away honest people who were offering to become spies for CIA. Nosenko’s defenders never cited a single example because in fact CIA had never turned down any volunteer from a Soviet bloc government who met normal security criteria. It even accepted ones it knew to be provocateurs, like the Soviet lieutenant of the “Sasha and Olga” case I mention in Chapter 4, simply to get their stories.
John
Hart, a former division chief in CIA, was under oath when he told Congress that the two top officers of the Soviet Division (David Murphy, its chief, and me, its deputy chief) “had been discredited" for their work on the Nosenko case and that this had “caused them to be transferred out ... to foreign assignments." 28 But as the Headquarters supervisor of both these posts abroad,
Hart knew that we had both opted for those challenging and prestigious assignments long before any “discrediting" began.
Never did Nosenko’s defenders mention any positive results of the hostile interrogation. Indeed, the CIA director’s spokesman testified that it had "failed miserably.” In fact, it was by confronting Nosenko under circumstances he could not evade and where he could get no outside coaching that CIA established firmly that Nosenko was a KGB plant and documented some of the KGB’s purposes in planting him.
5. Diverting attention from the underlying issue:
Nosenko’s defenders presented his case as essentially "a human phenomenon” and that the "human factors involved have a direct bearing on some of the contradictions which have appeared in the case.” As one put it, any questions of Nosenko’s truthfulness are “poignantly overshadowed by Nosenko’s personal
tragedy, arising from CIA’s handling of his defection.” "We may not allow our-selves to forget," he wrote, “that this story deals with a living person.” 29
The central issue of the case, they were implying, was CIA’s mistreatment of Nosenko. They expressed outrage that “duplicity” had been practiced against Nosenko and that the polygraph machine had been used more as an instrument of interrogation than as a fair test of Nosenko’s truth. They misrepresented the reason Nosenko was incarcerated. They raised a horrifying vision of his being thrown into a “torture vault," as one put it, or a “dungeon,” in another’s words. By 1989 the former CIA senior officer
John Hart had so lost touch with the truth that he asserted in writing that the interrogators had deprived Nosenko of sensory stimuli for more than three years, and another told an investigative reporter that Nosenko had been starving and close to death. 30 They must have been aware that Nosenko had regular (as I remember, weekly) visits by a doctor to ascertain his health and the adequacy of his diet. He was never ill, much less "close to death.”
They were contradicting the documented record. CIA director Richard Helms and Nosenko’s former handlers testified under oath that Nosenko had been incarcerated only to prevent him from evading questions about contradictions and anomalies in his stories. (These were the ones that touched upon Oswald, the possible breaking of American ciphers, and penetration of American Intelli-gence.) We were preventing what happened in 1985, when the later defector Vitaly Yurchenko walked out and back to the KGB.
Whereas this case had damning interconnections with other cases like that of Kulak/“Fedora,” Nosenko’s defenders avoided this subject. One mentioned the cases of Cherepanov and Loginov only to imply that they, like Nosenko, were innocent individuals whom CIA had stupidly misunderstood. 31
6. Ridiculing the “theory” of Soviet deception:
CIA spokesmen conveyed the idea that Soviet deception was a figment of paranoia. Golitsyn, said one, “was given to building up big, fantastic plots, and he eventually built up a plot . . . which was centered around the idea that the KGB had vast resources which it was using to deceive . . . Western governments. This plot was able to deceive the West . . . because [the KGB] had penetrations at high levels . . . within the intelligence services of these countries, including our own.” They displayed contempt for those who believed in such a crazy idea as “a plot against the West," an idea that stemmed only from “historical research.” “I don’t happen to be able to share this kind of thing,” said one. “The so-called plot was sheer nonsense.” 32 Thus did CIA’s official spokesman dismiss as mad fantasy the documented history of sixty years of such KGB "plots" of the sort described in
Chapters 10, 11, and 12 of this book.
A top CIA counterintelligence officer attacked this “historical research” from a different angle. He admitted that Soviet deception operations had indeed taken place— but by Nosenko’s time they were irrelevant. The classic prewar deception operation “Trust,” he wrote, had existed “in a ‘totally different KGB and a totally different world." He pointed out that in those distant days [the KGB] had had to deal with large-scale resistance from elements of the population who got support from emigration groups abroad. But both the resistance and the groups had since dwindled away— and with them, the need for this sort of operation. 33
This denial became CIA doctrine— but not the KGB’s. As set out explicitly in the KGB’s in-house secret history of 1977, there was an unbroken continuum from “Operation Trust" to the present day. The KGB was teaching today’s officers that this “aggressive counterintelligence” was the best way to succeed in counterintelligence work.
The myth thus created was accepted not only by investigative reporters who could not know the truth but also by reputable historians— and even CIA personnel.
A writer in the 1990s, after talking to Agency insiders, could say with no fear of being contradicted, "Although [Nosenko] was in fact a genuine defector, Angleton became convinced that he was a fake.” 34 A BBC interviewer asked a reputable British historian about the doubts that had circulated concerning Nosenko’s bona fides. The historian answered confidently that there had never been genuine doubts but only paranoid views that had been fully discredited. Later this same historian wrote that CIA’s suspicions of Nosenko were a “horrendous misjudgment" and its investigation “appallingly mishandled.” 35
Another prestigious historian in 1994 described “Lieutenant Colonel” Nosenko as “the highest-ranking officer of the KGB to fall into CIA hands." Though CIA had kept Nosenko “in sub-human conditions for five years, his evidence is now regarded as far more reliable than all that Angleton’s protege Golitsyn ever provided.” 36 The myth became doctrine within CIA itself. So deeply rooted did this fiction become that even later chiefs of the Soviet operations division adopted it and passed it on with their special authority. Two successive chiefs had so little knowledge of the Nosenko case that they propagated the myth that “Angleton . . . persuaded others at the CIA that [Nosenko] had been sent by Moscow to tie them in knots about Oswald and dozens of other sensitive cases. He was encouraged in his paranoia by an earlier KGB defector, Anatoly Golitsyn, who had told Angleton that every defector after him would be a double agent. . . . Angleton had managed to co-opt key officials in the Soviet Division, convincing them that virtually all of the spies they were running were double agents sent against them by the KGB. . . . Those who . . . challenged the prevailing paranoia were in danger of coming under suspicion of being Soviet agents themselves. . . . The end result of these mind games was virtual paralysis in the CIA’s operations against the Soviet Union. . . . CIA officers largely stopped trying to target Soviets [and] the Soviet Division had been turning away dozens of ‘volunteers, ’ Soviets and Eastern Europeans [. . . offering] to work for the United States .” 37 As stated in Chapter 20, this was unfounded nonsense, and not a single Soviet volunteer was turned away.
Other CIA officers, without access to the files, typically knew only what they had been taught. One wrote, "The KGB defector Yuri Nosenko was badly and illegally mistreated . . . because James Angleton and the CIA were mesmerized by the paranoid ravings of a previous defector, Anatoly Golitsyn." 38
Wrote another CIA veteran a generation afterward, “When Nosenko offered a version of Lee Harvey Oswald and the Kennedy assassination that didn't fit the agency’s corporate view, he was sent to solitary confinement . . . for three years.” 39
With historians accepting it and CIA insiders reciting it, and with its high- level sponsorship, the myth has prevailed. Wishful thinking triumphed.
.....
Plus these short "bios" --
Hart, John L.: CIA officer who had served in the Far East and later became head of its European division. With assistants, he reviewed the Yuri Nosenko* case in 1976 and cleared Nosenko of any suspicions lingering after the
Bruce Solie* report of 1968. In 1978, as personal representative of CIA director Turner, testified to HSCA during its review of President Kennedy’s assassination— instructed (as he admitted under oath) not to talk about the assassin Oswald but to denigrate CIA personnel who had doubted Nosenko's bona fides.
and this
McCoy, Leonard V.: CIA reports officer who handled information coming into Soviet Block Division* from Pyotr Popov* and later Oleg Penkovsky*. (Note: Both of whom were uncovered by the KGB and executed. - MWT) Later became deputy chief of the Counterintelligence Staff. He became a ferocious defender of Yuri Nosenko's* bona fides and published and fed to investigative reporters false information promoting this viewpoint and attacking those with differing views.
and this
Solie, Bruce: CIA security officer who worked on personnel security matters. Was assigned as case officer for (Note: triple-agent) Igor Kochnov* in 1966 and came to believe Yuri Nosenko* was a genuine defector. Criticized the 1967 report by CIA’s Soviet Block Division and then spent months devising a new story with Nosenko. Solie wrote a report that, by 1 October 1968, finally cleared away CIA official doubts about Nosenko’s bona fides.
.....
Footnotes:7.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II;
Hart obituary;
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22;
Hart, The ClA's Russians, 139.
8.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 495.
9.
Hart obituary; Mangold, Cold Warrior, 175.
10.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 519.
11 . Memorandum of deputy director of Central Intelligence Rufus Taylor, 4 October 1968. HSCA Hearings, Vol. IV, 46.
12. HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 508, 510, 526, 527.
13.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
14. Stansfield Turner, Notes from the Director, no. 30, 21 September 1978, and his Secrecy and Democracy— The CIA in Transition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1 985).
15.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 508, 510, 526, 527. “Fundamental nobility” were the words of
Leonard McCoy, deputy head of CIA’s Counterintelligence Staff, in
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
16.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
17.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22, 18;
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 495.
18.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
19. Mangold, Cold Warrior, 145 (as noted elsewhere, this book acknowledges
McCoy's imprint on its every page).
20.
Hart, The CIA's Russians.
21.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 495.
22. Ibid.;
Hart, The CIA’s Russians, 139.
23.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
24. FBI testimony, HSCA Hearings, Vol. XII, 539.
25.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 492.
26.
Hart, The CIA’s Russians.
27. Turner, Secrecy and Democracy.
28. HSCA Hearings, Vol. 2, 496.
29.
Hart, HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 490;
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
30.
Hart, The CIA’s Russians; Mangold, Cold Warrior.
31.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22.
32. HSCA Hearings, Vol. II, 494, 519, 535; Vol. XII, 581 and 586.
33.
McCoy, “Yuri Nosenko, CIA,” 22; Mangold, Cold Warrior, 39-40.
34. Mangold, Cold Warrior, 3.
35. Christopher Andrew, speaking on the BBC and in two other books in which he quoted Nosenko in ways that demonstrated the author's complete confidence in the myth.
36. Peter Grose, Gentleman Spy. The Life of Allen Dulles (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1994), 551.
37. Milton Bearden, talking of himself and Burton Gerber. Milton Bearden and James Risen, The Main Enemy (London: Century, 2003), 20-23.
38. Frederick L. Wettering, “Counterintelligence: The Broken Triad,” International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 1 3, no. 3 (Fall 2000): 267. The author is there
described as “a retired . . . [CIA] operations officer [who] managed clandestine operations in Europe and Africa."
39. Robert Baer, See No Evil. The True Story of a Ground Soldier in the CIA's War on Terrorism (New York: Crown, 2002), 256-57.
.....
Cheers!
-- Mudd Wrassler Tommy