Part 4On November 21, 1963, the eve of President Kennedy’s assassination, a Washington Post article mentioned “Mrs. Rockefeller” and said her “marriage to the Governor on the heels of divorces by both brought some protests within Republican ranks.” (“Some protests within Republican ranks” is a clear reflection of how unique Prescott Bush’s vituperative attack was.)
Another Washington Post article on November 21 reported, “Senator Thruston Morton, chairman of the Republican Senate Campaign Committee, said Senator Barry Goldwater is far ahead in the running for the Republican Presidential nomination,” and Senator Morton “doesn’t know where Nelson A. Rockefeller can count on delegate votes outside of New York.”
With one day remaining before President Kennedy’s assassination, it is clear that Prescott Bush’s widely reported vitriol had reverberated nationally.
It is hard to imagine that anyone but stalwart Rockefeller supporters would continue to think the New York Governor should be President after Prescott Bush portrayed him in such a despicable light. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev referring to the wealthy Rockefeller as a parasitic capitalist, who lives a life of luxury, drinking, carousing, and changing wives, certainly reinforced Bush’s bitter denunciation of a man who was “not fit to be President.”
A Gallup poll back in January 1963 had Rockefeller well ahead of Goldwater. Forty-six percent of Republicans planned on voting for Nelson Rockefeller in the Republican primaries, and only twenty-six percent planned on voting for Barry Goldwater.
But the KGB had to change that, and KGB officer John McCone had direct input with both Nelson Rockefeller and Prescott Bush, just like he had direct input with former President Eisenhower prior to Eisenhower energizing Goldwater supporters with his suggestion that Henry Cabot Lodge run for the GOP nomination.
McCone’s calendar shows he attended a black-tie dinner “in honor of Senator and Mrs. Bush” on January 9, 1963, hosted by none other than former CIA Director Allen Dulles, and McCone attended another black-tie dinner “in honor of Senator Bush” on January 25.
His input with Rockefeller came twenty-seven days after attending the second black-tie dinner honoring Prescott Bush. McCone’s daily calendar shows that on February 21, 1963, he left Virginia on a Gulfstream jet at 10:00 a.m. for a noon meeting with Rockefeller in New York. McCone then flew back to Virginia at 1:55 p.m.
Thirty-nine days later, on April 1, 1963, Nelson Rockefeller’s mistress, socialite Margaretta Murphy, divorced her husband to marry Rockefeller, a marriage that took place on May 4, seventy-two days after the McCone-Rockefeller meeting.
On June 18, 1963, just four days after Prescott Bush wreaked havoc on Rockefeller’s chances of winning the Republican nomination, two UPI reporters who interviewed Goldwater wrote: “He used to tell reporters bluntly that he did not have a chance to be nominated, and he would privately acknowledge that no Republican had much hope of derailing President Kennedy’s bid for a second term . . . . Now he radiates optimism on and off the record.”
His KGB handlers had been killing Members of Congress with Goldwater’s knowledge and apparent consent for six years. They exercised definitive control in the government, and they were bent on putting him into the Presidency, while Nelson Rockefeller, Goldwater’s chief rival for the GOP nomination, had been completely discredited by divorcing his wife and marrying his mistress. Why wouldn’t Goldwater radiate optimism?
The UPI reporters quoted Goldwater as saying, “I don’t want this nomination, but it may be forced on me.”
Goldwater also said, “With the right candidate, 1964 could be a Republican year after all.”
After President Kennedy was assassinated, KGB asset Barry Goldwater knew perfectly well that he would be the GOP nominee, and he knew perfectly well that the only thing that would make 1964 “a Republican year after all” is President Johnson’s assassination right before the election.
The Warren Commission Report states that “President Kennedy’s visit to Texas” had been “under consideration for almost a year before it occurred.” It also states that President Kennedy made the decision to visit Texas on June 5, 1963, less than two weeks before the interview in which Goldwater was reported to be “radiating optimism on and off the record.”
Goldwater’s KGB handlers knew that President Kennedy would go toe-to-toe with their candidate in Texas, hoping to score a knockout punch before Goldwater ever decided to run.
Luring President Kennedy into his “open convertible” Dallas visit, where he hoped for the knockout punch, was made easier by having Goldwater state on October 10 that he “really preferred to stay in the Senate and thought his services might be more useful there,” and then, eight days after Goldwater’s grandiose reception in Texas, he stated, “Actually, I’m trying to think of reasons why I should become a candidate and I’m coming up with some negative answers.”
President Kennedy clearly wanted to reinforce those “negative answers.” He needed to send Goldwater a message that he should “stay in the Senate” and not risk “losing his Senate seat” in a “futile campaign for the White House.” As such, President Kennedy’s reception in Texas had to upstage Barry Goldwater’s reception in Texas.
In previous statements in August and September, Goldwater completely ruled out running for President, claiming he would run for re-election to the Senate, but his escalating rhetorical conflict made it abundantly clear that he was spoiling for a fight.
His sporadic backpedaling was crafted to have President Kennedy look forward to “a triumphal tour through the city’s streets” when “Mr. Kennedy himself made the decision to ride in the slow-moving motorcade.”
President Kennedy was just minutes away from making a speech in which he was “going to accuse right-wing extremists of talking ‘just plain nonsense.’” Goldwater’s handlers, in turn, had three assassins that said, “Welcome to Dallas, Mr. President.”
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