The KGB Impersonated Oswald in Mexico to Connect Castro to the Assassination

[Anthony Frank]

Again, there is no apparent reason for anyone to fabricate Oswald's trip to Mexico City and fabricating that event would entail enormous risk if Oswald's whereabouts somewhere else could be confirmed.  It's bizarre that CTers go to such lengths to discount matters like Oswald's trip to Mexico City or his ride on the bus to nowhere on 11.22 when those events do not lend themselves to his guilt in the JFK assassination or advance the cause of their fantasy conspirators but entail great risk of exposing the conspiracy if they are faked.

Anyone can deduce from my previous post that the KGB officers inside the CIA wanted to establish a connection between Oswald and Castro, hence the fabricated Mexico trip.

As for where he was he while a KGB officer was impersonating him in Mexico, Oswald was a totally-controlled CIA asset, and the CIA kept him in Houston. The only people who would see him were his CIA handlers.

An FBI report on their interview with Ruth Paine “regarding the day by day location of Lee Harvey Oswald” states that on September 23, Oswald “stated he would go to Houston, where he had a friend and would look for work.”

A CIA report states that on September 23, 1963, when Oswald’s wife and daughter left New Orleans for Irving, Texas, Oswald told them that he would not go with them because he “wanted to visit a friend in Houston, Texas.”

The FBI report on the “day by day location” of Oswald also states that on October 4, “Oswald arrived at the Paine residence,” and told Mrs. Paine that “he had been in Houston but had not found work.” He also told her that he had been “in Dallas for a few days before coming out to the house.”

A Secret Service report states that Mrs. Paine “recalls Oswald being at her home for several days and stating that he had been in Houston, Texas, seeking employment, and that he had returned to Dallas several days prior to his arrival at the Paine home.”

The Washington Post reported that Ruth Paine said Oswald phoned his wife on October 4, 1963, “and related that upon leaving New Orleans, he had scouted around Houston for a job without success and had been looking around in Dallas the last few days.”

The New York Times attributed a “mysterious trip to Mexico” before his return to Dallas to “persons who saw him daily at that time,” but Oswald never told anyone anything about the alleged Mexico trip. The only possible source for a “mysterious trip to Mexico” would be Oswald’s CIA handlers, who were planning to kill President Kennedy, blame Oswald, and establish a connection between Oswald and Castro.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover sent a letter to the Warren Commission on September 11, 1964, “concerning schedules” of “bus lines in September 1963 for the route from New Orleans, Louisiana to Houston, Texas.” Hoover’s letter also referenced “the full schedule of Greyhound buses making that trip on September 25, 1963.”

A Secret Service report on August 18, 1964, states that the Secret Service checked the “flight manifests of National Air Lines” to see if anyone had traveled “from New Orleans to Houston” on September 25, 1963, “under the names of Lee Harvey Oswald or Alex Hidell.” In checking with National Air Lines, the Secret Service was informed that “the Federal Bureau of Investigation had previously checked their records.”

Oswald’s CIA handlers would, of course, not be leaving a paper trail indicating that he had actually gone to Houston while one of the KGB officers inside the CIA was impersonating Oswald in Mexico.

[Walt Cakebread]

What Was Lee Harvey Oswald Doing in Mexico?: Much about his trip—weeks before the assassination—remains unexamined

By PHILIP SHENON March 18, 2015

What if the answers to the many, persistent questions surrounding the assassination of President John F. Kennedy lie not in Dallas or Washington, D.C., but in the streets of a foreign capital that most Americans have never associated with the president’s murder? Mexico City.

Only hours after shots rang out in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963, U.S. Ambassador Thomas C. Mann told colleagues in the American embassy in Mexico that he was certain Lee Harvey Oswald had not acted alone in killing JFK.

Oswald had visited Mexico City several weeks earlier, apparently to obtain a visa that would allow the self-proclaimed Marxist to defect to Cuba, and Mann, a veteran diplomat, suspected that a plot to kill Kennedy had been hatched on Mexican soil, during Oswald’s encounters there with Cuban diplomats and Mexicans who supported Fidel Castro’s revolution. How did Mann know about those meetings? It turned out the CIA had Oswald under surveillance in the Mexican capital after he had showed up at both the Cuban and Soviet embassies there.

Back at the State Department, however, a baffled Mann hit a brick wall. No one in Washington seemed interested in his suspicions, he would later complain to colleagues. And within days of the assassination, the ambassador received an astonishing top-secret message directly from Secretary of State Dean Rusk. According to Mann’s testimony years later to congressional investigators, Rusk ordered the embassy to shut down any investigation in Mexico that might “confirm or refute rumors of Cuban involvement in the assassination.” No reason was given for the order, the ambassador said.

Mann told the congressional investigators that he was under the impression that the same “incredible” shut-down order had been given by the CIA to the spy agency’s station chief in Mexico, Winston Scott. In memoirs quietly declassified in the 1990s, after his death, Scott confirmed that he, too, suspected that Oswald was an “agent” of a foreign power who may have been part of a conspiracy to kill Kennedy (though Scott did not suggest that the CIA’s investigation was shut down).

What happened in Mexico City in the weeks before JFK’s murder? It is clear from government files declassified in recent decades that Oswald’s six-day trip to Mexico was never adequately investigated by the CIA, the FBI and the State Department—and, as a result, by the Warren Commission, the panel named by President Lyndon Johnson to investigate the assassination. The question has been raised anew in recent weeks by a surprising source—the Warren Commission’s chief conspiracy hunter. And in fact, lots of evidence has accumulated over the years to suggest that historians, journalists and JFK buffs who are still trying to piece together clues about the president’s murder—whether from the memories of still-living witnesses or in the new tranche of assassination-related documents the National Archives is set to release in two years—would be wise to look to Mexico City.

In the half-century since the commission named for Chief Justice Earl Warren concluded that Oswald was the sole gunman in Dallas and that there was no evidence of a conspiracy, foreign or domestic, it is startling to discover how many credible government officials—beginning with Ambassador Mann and CIA station chief Scott—have suggested that evidence was missed in Mexico that could rewrite the history of the assassination. The list includes the late former FBI Director Clarence Kelley and former FBI Assistant Director William Sullivan, as well as David Belin, a former staff lawyer on the Warren Commission.

Last month, another commission staffer joined their ranks: David Slawson, a retired University of Southern California law professor who, 51 years ago, was the commission’s chief investigator searching for evidence that might have pointed to a foreign conspiracy in JFK’s murder. In interviews for a new edition of my 2013 history of the assassination, Slawson said he is now convinced the commission was the victim of a “massive cover-up” by the CIA and other agencies to hide evidence that might have identified people in Mexico City who knew and encouraged Oswald to carry out his threat when he returned to the United States.

Declassified government records back up Slawson’s suspicion of how much information was withheld in 1964, when senior officials at both the CIA and the FBI assured the commission that there was no evidence in Mexico—or anywhere else—to suggest that Oswald was anything other than a delusional lone wolf. In sworn testimony to the commission, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover insisted that “there was nothing up to the time of the assassination that gave any indication that this man was a dangerous character who might do harm to the president.”

The records declassified decades later tell a very different story, and show just how much evidence about Oswald’s Mexico trip —including CIA tape recordings of wiretaps of Oswald’s phone calls in Mexico—never reached the commission. Although the spy agency assured the commission in 1964 that there were no surveillance photos of Oswald in Mexico, CIA Station Chief Scott, in his memoirs, strongly suggested that there were photos, and other CIA officials later told congressional investigators in the 1970s that they recalled seeing the pictures. CIA and FBI records, meanwhile, show that the agencies never tried to track down or interview key witnesses who had encountered Oswald in Mexico.

Slawson is also convinced that someone blocked him from seeing a top-secret June 1964 letter from Hoover to the commission in which Hoover revealed that Oswald may have openly boasted about his plans—“I’m going to kill Kennedy”—while in Mexico, apparently at the Cuban embassy. Slawson believes the CIA was desperate to shut down any investigation in Mexico City out of fear the Warren Commission might stumble onto evidence of the spy agency’s long-running schemes to murder Fidel Castro. (Mexico City had been a staging area for some of the plots.)

Slawson is careful to note that he is not suggesting any sort of far-flung, carefully laid-out conspiracy. For one thing, he notes, Oswald did not get the job he held at the time of the assassination, at the Texas School Book Depository, which was on the president’s motorcade route, until after he had returned to Texas from Mexico in early October 1963; the route itself was not announced until days before JFK’s arrival in Dallas.

Still, if Oswald openly boasted about his plans to kill JFK among people in Mexico, it would undermine the official story that he was a lone wolf whose plans to kill the president could never have been detected by the CIA or FBI. In Slawson’s mind, it could even raise the question of whether people in Mexico might have been charged as accessories in the murder if they had known about Oswald’s threats but did nothing to stop him.

Ambassador Mann appears to have had similar suspicions. After retiring from the State Department, he told House investigators in 1977 that he had never stopped believing that Oswald had been part of a conspiracy somehow linked to Cuba, and that the CIA and other agencies had refused to investigate Oswald’s activities in Mexico “because it would have resulted in the discovery of covert U.S. government action” that somehow involved Cuba.

In memoirs published in 1987, former FBI Director Clarence Kelley, Hoover’s immediate successor, revealed that, after having a chance to read through the bureau’s raw files on the Kennedy assassination, he, too, came to believe that Mexico held the key to unanswered questions about the president’s murder. “Oswald’s stay in Mexico City apparently shaped the man’s thinking irrevocably,” Kelley wrote.

He said he became convinced from the files that, during meetings with Cuban diplomats in Mexico, “Oswald definitely offered to kill President Kennedy,” and that he had probably made a similar offer during the same trip at a meeting at the Soviet embassy in Mexico. That did not mean that either communist government was behind the assassination, Kelley insisted. But it did mean that people in both the Cuban and Soviet embassies were aware, weeks before the assassination, that a young American—a former Marine with rifle training who was eager to be known as a champion of Castro’s revolution—was talking openly about killing the president.

Another top FBI official, former Assistant Director William Sullivan, who directed the bureau’s investigation of JFK’s murder, wrote in his own memoirs that “there were huge gaps” in the FBI’s investigation and that many of them involved Oswald’s trip south of the border. “We never found out what went on between Oswald and the Cubans in Mexico City,” Sullivan admitted.

After finishing his work on the commission, staff lawyer David Belin, who died in 1999, wrote in a little-publicized book that he came to believe that Oswald may have planned to head from Dallas back to Mexico by bus after the assassination because he had some promise of help from co-conspirators who were waiting on the Texas-Mexico border.

Belin’s theory, which he developed during his work on the commission, stemmed from his analysis of local bus schedules and of a bus transfer issued on the day of the assassination that was found in Oswald’s clothing. According to Belin, Oswald may have met with Cuban diplomats and others in Mexico City who saw the Kennedy administration as a mortal threat and who “promised financial and other support to Oswald if he was ever able to succeed” in killing the president. Belin said that, to his disappointment, there was no mention of his theory in the commission’s final report because, as he admitted, it was “pure speculation” that undermined Chief Justice Warren’s hopes to snuff out conspiracy allegations.

Belin’s theory would have made sense to another American official—diplomat Charles William Thomas, whose once-promising career was mysteriously derailed after he pressed colleagues in the U.S. embassy in Mexico to pursue unanswered questions about Oswald’s Mexico City trip. In late 1965, Thomas was told by a friend—a prominent Mexican writer, Elena Garro de Paz—that she had seen Oswald at a dance party during his visit to Mexico that was also attended by a Cuban diplomat who had spoken openly about his hope that someone would assassinate Kennedy. Thomas said he was also told that Oswald had a brief affair with a vivacious young Mexican woman, a committed Socialist, who worked in the Cuban consulate and who had introduced Oswald around town to other Castro supporters.

State Department and CIA records declassified in recent years show that the agencies rebuffed Thomas in his requests for a new investigation, which he continued to raise even after he left Mexico in 1967 for a new posting in Washington. Thomas was dismissed from the department in 1969, a decision that the State Department years later would acknowledge was made in error—the result of what the department insisted was a clerical mistake related to the misfiling of some of Thomas’s personnel records. The department’s admission would come only after Thomas, who struggled to establish a new career, committed suicide in 1971.

Congressional investigators, who later reviewed the case and obtained pension benefits for Thomas’s family, said they suspected, but could not prove, that the diplomat had actually been forced out because of his persistent, unwelcome effort to open a new investigation of Oswald’s activities in Mexico. “It was impossible to prove, though,” one of the congressional investigators told me when I was writing my book. “If he was forced out because of Mexico City, it was all done with a wink and a nod.”

Decades after Thomas’s death, the State Department would declassify internal memos that he had written to superiors, in which he had pleaded for someone to go back and reinvestigate Oswald’s Mexico trip. What Thomas had learned in Mexico would not, by itself, “prove that there was a conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy,” he wrote. But he warned of what might happen if long-secret evidence suggesting a Mexican-born conspiracy in JFK’s murder ever became public. “Those who have tried to discredit the Warren Report could have a field day,” he wrote.

In 1975, Thomas’s widow received a formal apology from the White House. “The circumstances surrounding your husband’s death are a source of deepest regret to the government he served so loyally and so well,” the letter said. “I can only hope that the measures which came about as a result of this tragedy will prevent reoccurrences of this kind in the future.” The letter was signed by President Gerald R. Ford, who, as a rising Republican congressman from Michigan in 1964, had been a member of the Warren Commission.

Thomas’s family may have reason to hope for even greater justice for the late diplomat, since so many of the people who encountered Oswald during his mysterious trip to Mexico half a century ago were young at the time and are still alive. I found some of them for my book, including people who suggest that Oswald had many more contacts with people in Mexico City who might have wanted to see JFK dead. The National Archives faces a 2017 deadline to release about 1,200 documents related to the assassination, many of them from the CIA, that still remain classified. While refusing to describe what is in the documents, CIA lawyers have acknowledged over the years that many of them are out of the files of agency employees who were stationed in the early 1960s in, of all places, Mexico City.

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/jfk-assassination-lee-harvey-oswald-mexico-116195/

"It is clear from government files declassified in recent decades that Oswald’s six-day trip to Mexico was never adequately investigated by the CIA, the FBI and the State Department—"

Thee was no need to investigate Lee's trip to MC.....  Hoover knew full well why Lee had been sent to Mexico....It was Hoover who was setting Lee Oswald up as a patsy in cahoots with Fidel Castro.....

[Anthony Frank]

"It is clear from government files declassified in recent decades that Oswald’s six-day trip to Mexico was never adequately investigated by the CIA, the FBI and the State Department—"

Thee was no need to investigate Lee's trip to MC.....  Hoover knew full well why Lee had been sent to Mexico....It was Hoover who was setting Lee Oswald up as a patsy in cahoots with Fidel Castro.....

According to my information, It was CIA Director and KGB officer John McCone who pushed the Castro angle.

The Church Committee wrote, “For the first twenty-four hours after the assassination, the CIA’s attention focused primarily on Oswald’s September 27, 1963, visit to Mexico City,” and “on the morning of November 23,” McCone met with President Johnson and his National Security Advisor, McGeorge Bundy, to “brief them on the information CIA Headquarters had received from its Mexico City station.”

And there was no letting up in McCone’s efforts to have the President worry about Soviet and Cuban involvement and the possibility of a nuclear war. It was the on following day, November 24, that McCone informed Johnson of the CIA’s “plans against Cuba,”  which included plans to assassinate Castro. Then, after his official morning meeting with the President, McCone met with President Johnson “in his private residence” and suggested that he get “an early briefing on the Soviet long-range striking capability” and Soviet “air defense posture.”

The FBI would not be investigating any possible Cuban involvement in the assassination, because the FBI’s investigation was extremely short lived.

At 9:20 p.m. on Friday, November 22, the FBI sent a message to all FBI field offices instructing them to “immediately contact all informants, security, racial and criminal, as well as other sources for information bearing on assassination of President Kennedy. All offices immediately establish whereabouts of bombing suspects, all known Klan and hate group members,” and “known racial extremists.”

Then, less than two hours later, at 11 p.m. the FBI sent a second message to its field offices, stating, “The Bureau is conducting an investigation to determine who is responsible for the assassination. You are therefore instructed to follow and resolve all allegations pertaining to the assassination. This matter is of utmost urgency.”

At 11:20 a.m. on Saturday, November 23, barely twelve hours after the second message of November 22, the FBI told its personnel to completely disregard the previous day’s messages and go back to what they were doing before the assassination.
The FBI sent a message to all FBI field offices stating, “Lee Harvey Oswald has been developed as the principal suspect in the assassination of President Kennedy . . . . All offices should resume normal contacts with informants and other sources.”

A memorandum to Assistant FBI Director Cartha DeLoach states, “The basic investigation showing how the assassination occurred was substantially completed by November 26, 1963,” and all FBI actions after that date were to “further verify the information developed up to November 26, 1963.”

The FBI, after quickly claiming that Oswald was the lone assassin, was clearly prevented from doing anything to either establish or refute a Cuban connection to the assassination. The CIA, which was overrun with the very KGB officers who had assassinated President Kennedy, would be conducting the investigation. The CIA alone was tasked with determining whether anyone else was involved in the assassination. The FBI would be doing nothing but seeking to “further verify the information developed up to November 26, 1963.”

It’s all in my book. Click the link.

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

[Walt Cakebread]

According to my information, It was CIA Director and KGB officer John McCone who pushed the Castro angle.

The Church Committee wrote, “For the first twenty-four hours after the assassination, the CIA’s attention focused primarily on Oswald’s September 27, 1963, visit to Mexico City,” and “on the morning of November 23,” McCone met with President Johnson and his National Security Advisor, McGeorge Bundy, to “brief them on the information CIA Headquarters had received from its Mexico City station.”

And there was no letting up in McCone’s efforts to have the President worry about Soviet and Cuban involvement and the possibility of a nuclear war. It was the on following day, November 24, that McCone informed Johnson of the CIA’s “plans against Cuba,”  which included plans to assassinate Castro. Then, after his official morning meeting with the President, McCone met with President Johnson “in his private residence” and suggested that he get “an early briefing on the Soviet long-range striking capability” and Soviet “air defense posture.”

The FBI would not be investigating any possible Cuban involvement in the assassination, because the FBI’s investigation was extremely short lived.

At 9:20 p.m. on Friday, November 22, the FBI sent a message to all FBI field offices instructing them to “immediately contact all informants, security, racial and criminal, as well as other sources for information bearing on assassination of President Kennedy. All offices immediately establish whereabouts of bombing suspects, all known Klan and hate group members,” and “known racial extremists.”

Then, less than two hours later, at 11 p.m. the FBI sent a second message to its field offices, stating, “The Bureau is conducting an investigation to determine who is responsible for the assassination. You are therefore instructed to follow and resolve all allegations pertaining to the assassination. This matter is of utmost urgency.”

At 11:20 a.m. on Saturday, November 23, barely twelve hours after the second message of November 22, the FBI told its personnel to completely disregard the previous day’s messages and go back to what they were doing before the assassination.
The FBI sent a message to all FBI field offices stating, “Lee Harvey Oswald has been developed as the principal suspect in the assassination of President Kennedy . . . . All offices should resume normal contacts with informants and other sources.”

A memorandum to Assistant FBI Director Cartha DeLoach states, “The basic investigation showing how the assassination occurred was substantially completed by November 26, 1963,” and all FBI actions after that date were to “further verify the information developed up to November 26, 1963.”

The FBI, after quickly claiming that Oswald was the lone assassin, was clearly prevented from doing anything to either establish or refute a Cuban connection to the assassination. The CIA, which was overrun with the very KGB officers who had assassinated President Kennedy, would be conducting the investigation. The CIA alone was tasked with determining whether anyone else was involved in the assassination. The FBI would be doing nothing but seeking to “further verify the information developed up to November 26, 1963.”

It’s all in my book. Click the link.

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

To be perfectly frank, I believe that you're   deluding yourself and looking for a "boggie man" that you can be comfortable in blaming for the  murder which was nothing but an old fashioned coup d'etat ......    The person responsible for the murder was right there behind JFK and immediately grabbed the reins.    The culprits were LBJ, and JEH.....   No foreign power had the ability to manipulate the bothched farce of an autopsy, nor could a foreign power have controlled the " Special  Blue Ribbon Investigation"( the WC) .....Only LBJ and Hoover had that power.... 

[Anthony Frank]

To be perfectly frank, I believe that you're   deluding yourself and looking for a "boggie man" that you can be comfortable in blaming for the  murder which was nothing but an old fashioned coup d'etat ......    The person responsible for the murder was right there behind JFK and immediately grabbed the reins.    The culprits were LBJ, and JEH.....   No foreign power had the ability to manipulate the bothched farce of an autopsy, nor could a foreign power have controlled the " Special  Blue Ribbon Investigation"( the WC) .....Only LBJ and Hoover had that power....

If you do not want to believe that I exposed KGB infiltration of the CIA in 1984 or that CIA Director John McCone was one of the KGB officers, that’s fine. If you do not want to believe there were any KGB officers inside the CIA, that’s fine.

But the documented evidence that the CIA controlled the Warren Commission investigation is irrefutable.

On January 23, 1964, as the cover-up plan proceeded, “The Warren Commission began requesting information from the CIA.”

The Church Committee reported that the Warren Commission staff “was given access to CIA files on the assassination, including material obtained from sensitive sources and methods.” The CIA gave the Warren Commission “all significant information CIA investigators had.”

The Warren Commission instructed the FBI and the Secret Service to send all their information to the CIA. An internal Warren Commission document states that on March 12, 1964, the CIA confirmed that “the FBI and the Secret Service were continuing to forward materials to the CIA as the Commission had previously requested.”

On April 6, 1964, a CIA cable made reference to “three members of Warren Commission legal staff” who would be going to Mexico as part of the investigation, and it states, “All have studied our reports in detail.”

CIA Director John McCone made it clear that the CIA handled the Warren Commission investigation. He sent a letter to his cover-up man, Nicholas Katzenbach, in February 1965 stating that CIA operatives were in “close contact” with Warren Commission General Counsel Lee Rankin and the Warren Commission staff “throughout the existence of the President’s Commission.”

McCone’s letter also states that CIA personnel “were instructed by me to cooperate fully with the President’s Commission and to withhold nothing from its scrutiny.”

A 1971 CIA memorandum confirms that “CIA did not withhold any information from the Warren Commission.” CIA Director John McCone and Deputy Director for Plans Richard Helms “extended to the Commission full access to the Agency’s most sensitive information and the sources and methods involved.”

Raymond G. Rocca, Chief of Research & Analysis in the CIA’s Counterintelligence division, wrote a Memorandum in 1975 marked “Eyes Only” in which he stated that the CIA’s “line of reporting” to the Warren Commission had “multiple” levels. Rocca also stated that “on sensitive matters of concern,” Deputy Director for Plans Richard Helms and the CIA’s Soviet Russia Chief, David Murphy, “dealt directly with the Commission.”

A CIA memorandum concerning a March 12 meeting that Helms and unnamed CIA “staff officers” had with the Warren Commission staff states, “The purpose of this meeting was to discuss the current status of the CIA contribution to the work of the Warren Commission.”

The Warren Commission lavished praise on the CIA just two months after it began “requesting information from the CIA.” Raymond G. Rocca had a meeting with a Warren Commission staff member on March 27, 1963, after which Rocca wrote a Memorandum stating that the staff member had told him, “The Agency handling of the information in the Oswald case was unique among what the Commission had found had happened in every other agency.”

Rocca wrote that the Warren Commission staff member “stated flatly that no Federal component, except CIA, had been able to show the Commission hard documentation which indicated there had been immediate action on field reported information by headquarters, and full interaction by headquarters with the field on file trace data and instructions for follow-up.”

Another CIA memorandum shows that on April 16, 1964, four weeks before CIA Director John McCone’s testimony, Chief Justice Earl Warren and another Warren Commission member, Senator John Sherman Cooper, met with McCone at CIA Headquarters.

McCone and Deputy Director for Plans Richard Helms testified before the Warren Commission on May 14, 1964, forty-eight days after the Warren Commission staff member praised the CIA for being so helpful, and Helms wrote a chronology of other meetings that he and an unidentified CIA official had with the Warren Commission.

Helms stated he met with the Warren Commission twice in January, twice in March, and again on June 24.

Helms wrote that the chronology of meetings “does not include the score of telephone calls I had with Mr. Rankin and the Commission staff.”

In addition to all the high-level meetings and the “multiple” levels of contact, the House Select Committee on Assassinations reported that the CIA provided the Warren Commission with “twelve full-time and part-time professionals. They also provided secretarial and clerical assistance.”

The CIA easily controlled the WC investigation.

The JFK assassination was part of the CIA’s quest to control the government. No surprise that they controlled the investigation.

It’s all in my book. Click the link.
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

[Anthony Frank]

After I exposed KGB infiltration of the CIA in 1984, one of the KGB officers admitted to impersonating Oswald at the Soviet and Cuban Embassies. His face perfectly matched the photograph taken at the Soviet Embassy on October 1, 1963, but he was completely bald by 1984. He also admitted to being one of the two KGB officers who assassinated President Kennedy. The third assassin was a CIA “double agent,” who knowingly and willingly worked for the KGB.

Warren Commission Exhibit 237, the Mexico City “unidentified mystery man,” is a photograph of one of President Kennedy’s three assassins.



It’s all in my book. Click the link.

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

[Brian D. Litman]

Mr Frank,

You may find it useful to review my prior X postings, as I knew and worked with all of the Mexico City KGB officers.  In a future article, I will discuss the identity of the "Mystery Man" - whom Kostikov informed me of at one of my many evening dinners with him in Autumn of 1993.

https://twitter.com/bdlitman

Best,   BDL

[Brian D. Litman]

You are quite correct.

You may find useful my recent postings on the topic owing to my personal association with the involved KGB officers.

https://tinyurl.com/2x66af7k

-BDL